- Home
- Quintessential Queensland
- Distinctiveness
- Perceptions
- Perceptions: how people understand the landscape
- From runs to closer settlement
- Geological survey of Queensland
- Mapping a new colony, 1860-80
- Mapping the Torres Strait: from TI to Magani Malu and Zenadh Kes
- Order in Paradise: a colonial gold field
- Queensland atlas, 1865
- Queensland mapping since 1900
- Queensland: the slogan state
- Rainforests of North Queensland
- Walkabout
- Queenslanders
- Queenslanders: people in the landscape
- Aboriginal heroes: episodes in the colonial landscape
- Australian South Sea Islanders
- Cane fields and solidarity in the multiethnic north
- Chinatowns
- Colonial immigration to Queensland
- Greek Cafés in the landscape of Queensland
- Hispanics and human rights in Queensland’s public spaces
- Italians in north Queensland
- Lebanese in rural Queensland
- Queensland clothing
- Queensland for ‘the best kind of population, primary producers’
- Too remote, too primitive and too expensive: Scandinavian settlers in colonial Queensland
- Distance
- Movement
- Movement: how people move through the landscape
- Air travel in Queensland
- Bicycling through Brisbane, 1896
- Cobb & Co
- Journey to Hayman Island, 1938
- Law and story-strings
- Mobile kids: children’s explorations of Cherbourg
- Movable heritage of North Queensland
- Passages to India: military linkages with Queensland
- The Queen in Queensland, 1954
- Transient Chinese in colonial Queensland
- Travelling times by rail
- Pathways
- Pathways: how things move through the landscape and where they are made
- Aboriginal dreaming paths and trading ways
- Chinese traders in the nineteenth century
- Introducing the cane toad
- Pituri bag
- Press and the media
- Radio in Queensland
- Red Cross Society and World War I in Queensland
- The telephone in Queensland
- Where did the trams go?
- ‘A little bit of love for me and a murder for my old man’: the Queensland Bush Book Club
- Movement
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- Separation: divisions in the landscape
- Asylums in the landscape
- Brisbane River
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- Civil government boundaries
- Convict Brisbane
- Dividing Queensland - Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party
- High water mark: the shifting electoral landscape 2001-12
- Hospitals in the landscape
- Indigenous health
- Palm Island
- Secession movements
- Separate spheres: gender and dress codes
- Separating land, separating culture
- Stone walls do a prison make: law on the landscape
- The 1967 Referendum – the State comes together?
- Utopian communities
- Whiteness in the tropics
- Conflict
- Conflict: how people contest the landscape
- A tale of two elections – One Nation and political protest
- Battle of Brisbane – Australian masculinity under threat
- Dangerous spaces - youth politics in Brisbane, 1960s-70s
- Fortress Queensland 1942-45
- Grassy hills: colonial defence and coastal forts
- Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891
- Iwasaki project
- Johannes Bjelke-Petersen: straddling a barbed wire fence
- Mount Etna: Queensland's longest environmental conflict
- Native Police
- Skyrail Cairns (Research notes)
- Staunch but conservative – the trade union movement in Rockhampton
- The Chinese question
- Thomas Wentworth Wills and Cullin-la-ringo Station
- Separation
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- Imagination: how people have imagined Queensland
- Brisbane River and Moreton Bay: Thomas Welsby
- Changing views of the Glasshouse Mountains
- Imagining Queensland in film and television production
- Jacaranda
- Literary mapping of Brisbane in the 1990s
- Looking at Mount Coot-tha
- Mapping the Macqueen farm
- Mapping the mythic: Hugh Sawrey's ‘outback’
- People’s Republic of Woodford
- Poinsettia city: Brisbane’s flower
- The Pineapple Girl
- The writers of Tamborine Mountain
- Vance and Nettie Palmer
- Memory
- Memory: how people remember the landscape
- Anna Wickham: the memory of a moment
- Berajondo and Mill Point: remembering place and landscape
- Cemeteries in the landscape
- Landscapes of memory: Tjapukai Dance Theatre and Laura Festival
- Monuments and memory: T.J. Byrnes and T.J. Ryan
- Out where the dead towns lie
- Queensland in miniature: the Brisbane Exhibition
- Roadside ++++ memorials
- Shipwrecks as graves
- The Dame in the tropics: Nellie Melba
- Tinnenburra
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- Curiosity: knowledge through the landscape
- A playground for science: Great Barrier Reef
- Duboisia hopwoodii: a colonial curiosity
- Great Artesian Basin: water from deeper down
- In search of Landsborough
- James Cook’s hundred days in Queensland
- Mutual curiosity – Aboriginal people and explorers
- Queensland Acclimatisation Society
- Queensland’s own sea monster: a curious tale of loss and regret
- St Lucia: degrees of landscape
- Townsville’s Mount St John Zoo
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- Transformation: how the landscape has changed and been modified
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- Empire and agribusiness: the Australian Mercantile Land and Finance Company
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- Kill, cure, or strangle: Atherton Tablelands
- National parks in Queensland
- Pastoralism 1860s–1915
- Prickly pear
- Repurchasing estates: the transformation of Durundur
- Soil
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- The Brigalow
- Walter Reid Cultural Centre, Rockhampton: back again
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- Survival: how the landscape impacts on people
- Brisbane floods: 1893 to the summer of sorrow
- City of the Damned: how the media embraced the Brisbane floods
- Depression era
- Did Clem Jones save Brisbane from flood?
- Droughts and floods and rail
- Missions and reserves
- Queensland British Food Corporation
- Rockhampton’s great flood of 1918
- Station homesteads
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- Wreck of the Quetta
- Pleasure
- Pleasure: how people enjoy the landscape
- Bushwalking in Queensland
- Cherbourg that’s my home: celebrating landscape through song
- Creating rural attractions
- Festivals
- Queer pleasure: masculinity, male homosexuality and public space
- Railway refreshment rooms
- Regional cinema
- Schoolies week: a festival of misrule
- The sporting landscape
- Visiting the Great Barrier Reef
By:
Bill Metcalf Australia has a long history of groups trying to create their own ideal society. The first group to do so was Herrnhut commune, established in Victoria in 1852 and lasting until 1889.
During the 1880s and 1890s, Queensland’s William Lane, writing in The Boomerang and The Worker, promoted the utopian dream of creating self-managing, egalitarian communities for working-class people, with men and women having equal rights and power. In Lane’s utopian community men and women would be ‘equally entitled to full membership’, governance would be by the ‘vote of all adult members’, while everyone would:
work for the common good. Every man and woman shares equally the common earnings. The children … are maintained by the community. The old, the sick and the weak receive the same share as the healthy and strong. The widow receives the same share as the wife, and the orphan is the child of the community. Members own in common all land, houses, machinery tools cattle and general property. There is no master, no wageworker, no landlord, no beggar, no manorhouse, no soupkitchen, no unemployed, no loafer, no public house, no prison, no policeman. Competition is replaced by Fellowship.
Alice River Co-operative Settlement
Queensland’s first utopian intentional community was Alice River Co-operative Settlement, established near Barcaldine in 1891 by 72 striking shearers and associated rural workers inspired by Lane’s utopian ideas. They laid out Liberty, Freedom and Union streets, then built huts around a core area with library, reading room, kitchen and dining room. Queensland’s Premier, Samuel Griffith, visited in 1892 and was so impressed that he instigated legislation providing government support for rural communes. Alice River Co-operative Settlement closed in 1907.
William Lane, however, had given up the idea of establishing his utopian community in Queensland, and in 1893 led several hundred people to Paraguay where they established New Australia and Cosme. To join that exodus, each family had to contribute £60, a sum beyond the means of many workers.
Co-operative Land Settlement Act
The Queensland government was shocked to find rural workers and their families leaving with Lane, so steps were taken to promote similar communal settlements in Queensland, for those who could not afford to follow Lane. Given Griffith’s interest in Alice River Co-operative Settlement, he introduced enabling legislation (Co-operative Land Settlement Act) which finally came into effect in October 1893, by which time Griffith was no longer Premier. The Act provided for 30 or more males to form a communal group and apply for a perpetual lease, of up to 65 hectares of land per member. Women could not be members in their own right but could only take part as wives, sisters or daughters. Disputes were to be internally arbitrated, and expulsions decided by a two thirds majority. More than half the members had to permanently occupy the land within three months of establishment. The Government provided £20 per member to buy food, tools and stock.
Twelve communes quickly formed with more than two thousand residents: ‘Bon Accord’, ‘Byrnestown’ and ‘Resolute’, near Gayndah; ‘Excel Pioneers’, ‘Nil Desperandum’ and ‘Obertown Model’, near Roma; ‘Industrial’, ‘Mizpah’, and ‘Monmouth’, near Chinchilla; ‘Protestant Unity’, near Pomona; ‘Woolloongabba Exemplars’, on Lake Weyba, near Noosa; and ‘Reliance’ near Rolleston. Using government grants of £7225, they planned to establish communal kitchens and dining rooms under women’s control, with men working together to clear land and plant small crops. As soon as possible, their tents and bark shelters would be replaced by substantial timber buildings, including their own school and possibly church.
Happy and contented
Initial reports were encouraging. Nil Desperandum, Obertown Model and Excel Pioneers were ‘getting settled on the ground … meeting inconveniences with a cheerful front. … endeavouring to get in a crop of potatoes, and to complete the needful provision for shelter. … The land … is grassed knee deep, and as green as a wheatfield’. Mizpah, was ‘doing remarkably well … The ground is very well adapted … for various kinds of agriculture. … There are six wooden dwelling houses, and two stores, a bootmaker’s shop, a little committee room, butcher’s shop, fenced in stockyard, and blacksmith’s shop. All the wives and families … have settled down to their new life’. Monmouth members ‘appear to be happy and contented …. A blacksmith’s shop … has been erected and a substantial store has been nearly completed. … The cattle have increased nearly 50 percent. … It is splendid land.’ Woolloongabba Exemplars, on Lake Weyba, soon had ‘an outlet to both Gympie and Brisbane for our fish. In the near future it is quite within the possibilities for us to be our own shipowners, by which means we would have all the markets on the eastern seaboard open to us. We have a spirit of cheerfulness and fortitude that gives evidence of “grit” and good promise in the future’.
Harsh reality
Problems soon arose, however, as harsh reality set in. Most of these communes had been located on poor land which no-one else wanted – but wet conditions of 1893 and early 1894 disguised the problem. Also, egalitarianism and communalism may have sounded great back in Brisbane but were problematic on the ground. Several children died through poor housing and several adults died through accidents. By late 1894 several communes had collapsed with the rest collapsing by early 1896.
Queensland’s next utopian community was ‘Kalevan Kansa’, established in 1899 by Matti Kurikka and 78 followers from Finland. Kurikka dreamt of a social order free from oppression and tyranny, with social evils replaced by harmony, with equality of class and gender, and without sexual boundaries. Kalevan Kansa was barely established near Chillagoe before the group started walking across Cape York, in 1901, to re-establish on the Gulf of Carpentaria. Half starved and totally lost, they were rescued and the experiment was over. Before Kurikka left to establish another utopia in Canada, he blamed everyone but himself. ‘The labourers in Queensland … are too drunk, too vulgar, and too hateful against all foreigners that are sober, friendly and honest as the Finns, to think that they could become equals with them striving for the same holy ideals. … My friendly hope is only that the people of Queensland will rise to the same level of civilisation as the other cultured peoples of the world.’
Unlike other states, Queensland experienced few further attempts at creating utopian communities until the late twentieth century. During the depression a group of unemployed people established ‘Morgan Settlement’ (later Morganberry) on Atherton Tablelands, intending to grow tobacco. It had modest utopian elements, as does ‘Avatar’s Abode’, established on the Sunshine Coast in 1958 by devotees of Meher Baba.
Since 1970s
Since 1970, numerous intentional communities have been established such as ‘Agni Farm’, ‘Chenrezig Institute’, ‘Frog’s Hollow’, ‘Hermitage’, ‘Shalom’ and ‘Starlight’, on Sunshine Coast, ‘Cedar Bay’, in the Daintree area, ‘Mandala’, near Warwick, and ‘Emmanuel Covenant’, ‘Hare Krishna House’, ‘House of Freedom’, and ‘Pleiades’ in Brisbane.
Today, Queensland’s best know intentional communities are ‘Crystal Waters’ (Sunshine Coast), ‘Currumbin Ecovillage’ (Gold Coast), ‘Kookaburra Park’ (near Bundaberg), and ‘Magnificat Meal’ (Helidon). In most of these the land is owned and managed collectively, with most members living in separate or family dwellings.
‘Utopian’, the adjective, refers to the ideal towards which people strive, and ‘intentional’ refers to their conscious creation of a different society. Obviously utopia, the noun, has never existed and never shall, but that does not discourage people from striving to create an ideal society.
References and Further reading (Note):
William Metcalf, 'Utopian Queensland’, Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, vol 15, no 12, 1995, pp 553-70
References and Further reading (Note):
William Metcalf, ‘Harry Head: socialist, communard and Central Burnett pioneer’ Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, vol 18, no 2, 2002, pp 68-80
References and Further reading (Note):
The Worker, 9 July 1891
References and Further reading (Note):
The Brisbane Courier, 25 May 1893