- Home
- Quintessential Queensland
- Distinctiveness
- Perceptions
- Perceptions: how people understand the landscape
- From runs to closer settlement
- Geological survey of Queensland
- Mapping a new colony, 1860-80
- Mapping the Torres Strait: from TI to Magani Malu and Zenadh Kes
- Order in Paradise: a colonial gold field
- Queensland atlas, 1865
- Queensland mapping since 1900
- Queensland: the slogan state
- Rainforests of North Queensland
- Walkabout
- Queenslanders
- Queenslanders: people in the landscape
- Aboriginal heroes: episodes in the colonial landscape
- Australian South Sea Islanders
- Cane fields and solidarity in the multiethnic north
- Chinatowns
- Colonial immigration to Queensland
- Greek Cafés in the landscape of Queensland
- Hispanics and human rights in Queensland’s public spaces
- Italians in north Queensland
- Lebanese in rural Queensland
- Queensland clothing
- Queensland for ‘the best kind of population, primary producers’
- Too remote, too primitive and too expensive: Scandinavian settlers in colonial Queensland
- Distance
- Movement
- Movement: how people move through the landscape
- Air travel in Queensland
- Bicycling through Brisbane, 1896
- Cobb & Co
- Journey to Hayman Island, 1938
- Law and story-strings
- Mobile kids: children’s explorations of Cherbourg
- Movable heritage of North Queensland
- Passages to India: military linkages with Queensland
- The Queen in Queensland, 1954
- Transient Chinese in colonial Queensland
- Travelling times by rail
- Pathways
- Pathways: how things move through the landscape and where they are made
- Aboriginal dreaming paths and trading ways
- Chinese traders in the nineteenth century
- Introducing the cane toad
- Pituri bag
- Press and the media
- Radio in Queensland
- Red Cross Society and World War I in Queensland
- The telephone in Queensland
- Where did the trams go?
- ‘A little bit of love for me and a murder for my old man’: the Queensland Bush Book Club
- Movement
- Division
- Separation
- Separation: divisions in the landscape
- Asylums in the landscape
- Brisbane River
- Changing landscape of radicalism
- Civil government boundaries
- Convict Brisbane
- Dividing Queensland - Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party
- High water mark: the shifting electoral landscape 2001-12
- Hospitals in the landscape
- Indigenous health
- Palm Island
- Secession movements
- Separate spheres: gender and dress codes
- Separating land, separating culture
- Stone walls do a prison make: law on the landscape
- The 1967 Referendum – the State comes together?
- Utopian communities
- Whiteness in the tropics
- Conflict
- Conflict: how people contest the landscape
- A tale of two elections – One Nation and political protest
- Battle of Brisbane – Australian masculinity under threat
- Dangerous spaces - youth politics in Brisbane, 1960s-70s
- Fortress Queensland 1942-45
- Grassy hills: colonial defence and coastal forts
- Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891
- Iwasaki project
- Johannes Bjelke-Petersen: straddling a barbed wire fence
- Mount Etna: Queensland's longest environmental conflict
- Native Police
- Skyrail Cairns (Research notes)
- Staunch but conservative – the trade union movement in Rockhampton
- The Chinese question
- Thomas Wentworth Wills and Cullin-la-ringo Station
- Separation
- Dreaming
- Imagination
- Imagination: how people have imagined Queensland
- Brisbane River and Moreton Bay: Thomas Welsby
- Changing views of the Glasshouse Mountains
- Imagining Queensland in film and television production
- Jacaranda
- Literary mapping of Brisbane in the 1990s
- Looking at Mount Coot-tha
- Mapping the Macqueen farm
- Mapping the mythic: Hugh Sawrey's ‘outback’
- People’s Republic of Woodford
- Poinsettia city: Brisbane’s flower
- The Pineapple Girl
- The writers of Tamborine Mountain
- Vance and Nettie Palmer
- Memory
- Memory: how people remember the landscape
- Anna Wickham: the memory of a moment
- Berajondo and Mill Point: remembering place and landscape
- Cemeteries in the landscape
- Landscapes of memory: Tjapukai Dance Theatre and Laura Festival
- Monuments and memory: T.J. Byrnes and T.J. Ryan
- Out where the dead towns lie
- Queensland in miniature: the Brisbane Exhibition
- Roadside ++++ memorials
- Shipwrecks as graves
- The Dame in the tropics: Nellie Melba
- Tinnenburra
- Vanished heritage
- War memorials
- Curiosity
- Curiosity: knowledge through the landscape
- A playground for science: Great Barrier Reef
- Duboisia hopwoodii: a colonial curiosity
- Great Artesian Basin: water from deeper down
- In search of Landsborough
- James Cook’s hundred days in Queensland
- Mutual curiosity – Aboriginal people and explorers
- Queensland Acclimatisation Society
- Queensland’s own sea monster: a curious tale of loss and regret
- St Lucia: degrees of landscape
- Townsville’s Mount St John Zoo
- Imagination
- Development
- Exploitation
- Transformation
- Transformation: how the landscape has changed and been modified
- Cultivation
- Empire and agribusiness: the Australian Mercantile Land and Finance Company
- Gold
- Kill, cure, or strangle: Atherton Tablelands
- National parks in Queensland
- Pastoralism 1860s–1915
- Prickly pear
- Repurchasing estates: the transformation of Durundur
- Soil
- Sugar
- Sunshine Coast
- The Brigalow
- Walter Reid Cultural Centre, Rockhampton: back again
- Survival
- Survival: how the landscape impacts on people
- Brisbane floods: 1893 to the summer of sorrow
- City of the Damned: how the media embraced the Brisbane floods
- Depression era
- Did Clem Jones save Brisbane from flood?
- Droughts and floods and rail
- Missions and reserves
- Queensland British Food Corporation
- Rockhampton’s great flood of 1918
- Station homesteads
- Tropical cyclones
- Wreck of the Quetta
- Pleasure
- Pleasure: how people enjoy the landscape
- Bushwalking in Queensland
- Cherbourg that’s my home: celebrating landscape through song
- Creating rural attractions
- Festivals
- Queer pleasure: masculinity, male homosexuality and public space
- Railway refreshment rooms
- Regional cinema
- Schoolies week: a festival of misrule
- The sporting landscape
- Visiting the Great Barrier Reef
By:
Barbara Webster At the start of the twentieth century, many workers in Rockhampton laboured more than 56 hours a week, earned low pay and suffered poor conditions. Horses, as assets, were more highly valued by employers than easily replaced employees. Few unions existed in Rockhampton other than those for skilled tradesmen. Several unions for labourers and the semi-skilled had formed in the 1880s, but defeat in the great strikes of the early 1890s, economic depression and prolonged drought crushed unionism throughout eastern Australia. Most workers, therefore, had no collective voice in opposing exploitation by employers.
The gospel of unionism
Once the drought ended in 1903 and the economy recovered, unions quickly revived. As the largest town in Central Queensland, Rockhampton played a leading role in the renaissance and growth of unionism and local officials campaigned throughout the region to spread what was described in The Worker, 6 June 1908 as ‘the gospel of unionism’. Local unions also joined large national federations of kindred unions to increase their strength and bargaining power. However, the Queensland government of the day refused to recognise unions as employees’ representatives and, when the first Wages Board for the central district convened in 1909, employers maintained the upper hand. Not until the new Ryan Labor government introduced compulsory arbitration in 1916 were unions recognised and workers assured of a fairer deal. Ten years later, an aggrieved Employers’ Association of Central Queensland still advocated in their Tenth Annual Report a return to the old wages boards where they had the advantage
With many workers employed at the meatworks, railway workshops, port facilities or in wholesale and retail distribution, light manufacturing and government administration, the largest unions were the Australasian Meat Industry Employees’ Union (AMIEU); Australian Railways Union (ARU); Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU); Waterside Workers’ Federation of Australia (WWF); and the Transport Workers’ Union (TWU). The Australian Workers’ Union (AWU) catered for labourers and semi-skilled workers in government and statutory authorities but the essentially rural AWU always lacked locally the strength it had elsewhere with shearers, miners and canecutters. It also remained apart from, and aloof to, the rest of the union movement: it did not contribute to the purchase or operation of Trades Hall; nor did it occupy an office there.
Arbitration
For nearly four decades of almost continuous Labor rule in Queensland until 1957, unions generally enjoyed favourable treatment through awards of the State Industrial Court and they overwhelmingly opted for arbitration to resolve industrial disputes rather than strike action. Many unions affiliated with the Australian Labor Party and most union leaders held senior branch positions so accepting the structures their government provided aligned with their ‘labourist’ philosophy. Moreover, union leaders tended to maintain strong control over their rank-and-file and held office for many years. Four notable full-time union secretaries of great longevity were the AMIEU’s Len Haigh (1924-53); Ernest ‘EB’ Purnell (1899-1938) for the WWF; ARU’s George Kemp (1914-38); and Frank Conlon of the TWU (1915-53).
Consequently, Rockhampton unions were widely considered, according to Sir Jack Egerton, former Queensland Trades and Labour Council secretary interviewed on 21 June 1996, ‘staunch but conservative, wedded to the rule book, demanding agreements, awards and various acts be observed in their entirety’. In contrast, Townsville and North Queensland unions attracted a reputation for industrial militancy with a penchant for direct action. However, when they believed the arbitration system failed them on major industrial issues, Rockhampton unions readily joined state-wide strike action such as occurred with the ARU, AEU and other railway unions in 1925 and 1948; the AMIEU in 1946 and the WWF in 1925 and 1956.
Threats
In defending their members’ workplace interests, unions remained ever alert for threats from non-unionists, sometimes their own wayward members and even each other. In large worksites like the railway and meatworks where multiple unions existed, demarcation disputes often erupted over jobs involving common tools and skills. In other cases, unions actively ‘white-anted’ each other’s membership or ‘body snatched’ to shore up their numbers and strength. During the 1940s and 1950s, fears of communist infiltration of unions reached a crescendo and many unions experienced divisive internal tension as members of anti-communist ALP Industrial Groups vied for control against suspected ‘pinkos’, the former being secretly infiltrated by extremists from the Catholic Social Studies Movement. Little actual communist presence in Rockhampton did not deter local Movement activists from their denunciations and clandestine subversive activity.
Trades and Labour Council
As part of seeking workplace justice for members, unions at various times formed peak union industrial bodies. After several short-lived organisations in the early decades, a lasting Rockhampton Trades and Labour Council (RTLC) formed in 1938. In the mid-1950s, two rival councils existed, one run by alleged communist sympathisers and one dominated by Movement members. Both claimed to be the legitimate body but the former eventually triumphed after the disastrous Labor split and loss of government in 1957. Because unions and their state officials invariably handled their own industrial business, the RTLC became mainly a vehicle for political complaint, particularly during the ensuing era of conservative government to 1989.
Labour Day in Emu Park
From 1909, combined unions celebrated Eight Hour Day with a street parade accompanied by banners and brass and pipe bands, followed by a grand sports carnival and picnic. This later became Labour Day which local unions still celebrate on the first Monday in May. Individual unions organised well-attended annual picnics for members’ families at the seaside, journeying to Emu Park in convoys of decorated trains. Union members from Mount Morgan and beyond travelled long distances to join these festivities. In the early decades with limited social welfare and educational opportunities, unions provided sickness and death benefits, supported classes through the Workers Educational Association, donated to charities and organised socials and cultural events. In 1926, a theatre was opened next to Trades Hall for that purpose. Nevertheless, Rockhampton unions remained focused on their core business: defending and advancing their members’ workplace interests against the employer. After the change of government in 1957, that task became harder but almost 40 years of improvements in hours, pay and conditions through trade unionism left workers with vastly better conditions from those half a century earlier.
References and Further reading (Note):
Barbara Webster, ‘“Fighting in the grand cause”: a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957’, PhD thesis, CQUniversity, Rockhampton, 1999
References and Further reading (Note):
Barbara Webster, ‘Catholics, community and the Movement in Rockhampton, 1943-1957’, Labour history, no 81, November 2001, pp 155-74
References and Further reading (Note):
Geoffrey Bolton, A thousand miles away: a history of north Queensland to 1920, ANU Press, Canberra, 1972
References and Further reading (Note):
Doug Hunt, ‘History of the labour movement in north Queensland: trade unionism, politics and industrial conflict, 1900–1920’, PhD thesis, JCU, 1979
Keywords:
dispute, industrial dispute, labour, trade unionism, unionism, wages, work conditions, workers