- Home
- Quintessential Queensland
- Distinctiveness
- Perceptions
- Perceptions: how people understand the landscape
- From runs to closer settlement
- Geological survey of Queensland
- Mapping a new colony, 1860-80
- Mapping the Torres Strait: from TI to Magani Malu and Zenadh Kes
- Order in Paradise: a colonial gold field
- Queensland atlas, 1865
- Queensland mapping since 1900
- Queensland: the slogan state
- Rainforests of North Queensland
- Walkabout
- Queenslanders
- Queenslanders: people in the landscape
- Aboriginal heroes: episodes in the colonial landscape
- Australian South Sea Islanders
- Cane fields and solidarity in the multiethnic north
- Chinatowns
- Colonial immigration to Queensland
- Greek Cafés in the landscape of Queensland
- Hispanics and human rights in Queensland’s public spaces
- Italians in north Queensland
- Lebanese in rural Queensland
- Queensland clothing
- Queensland for ‘the best kind of population, primary producers’
- Too remote, too primitive and too expensive: Scandinavian settlers in colonial Queensland
- Distance
- Movement
- Movement: how people move through the landscape
- Air travel in Queensland
- Bicycling through Brisbane, 1896
- Cobb & Co
- Journey to Hayman Island, 1938
- Law and story-strings
- Mobile kids: children’s explorations of Cherbourg
- Movable heritage of North Queensland
- Passages to India: military linkages with Queensland
- The Queen in Queensland, 1954
- Transient Chinese in colonial Queensland
- Travelling times by rail
- Pathways
- Pathways: how things move through the landscape and where they are made
- Aboriginal dreaming paths and trading ways
- Chinese traders in the nineteenth century
- Introducing the cane toad
- Pituri bag
- Press and the media
- Radio in Queensland
- Red Cross Society and World War I in Queensland
- The telephone in Queensland
- Where did the trams go?
- ‘A little bit of love for me and a murder for my old man’: the Queensland Bush Book Club
- Movement
- Division
- Separation
- Separation: divisions in the landscape
- Asylums in the landscape
- Brisbane River
- Changing landscape of radicalism
- Civil government boundaries
- Convict Brisbane
- Dividing Queensland - Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party
- High water mark: the shifting electoral landscape 2001-12
- Hospitals in the landscape
- Indigenous health
- Palm Island
- Secession movements
- Separate spheres: gender and dress codes
- Separating land, separating culture
- Stone walls do a prison make: law on the landscape
- The 1967 Referendum – the State comes together?
- Utopian communities
- Whiteness in the tropics
- Conflict
- Conflict: how people contest the landscape
- A tale of two elections – One Nation and political protest
- Battle of Brisbane – Australian masculinity under threat
- Dangerous spaces - youth politics in Brisbane, 1960s-70s
- Fortress Queensland 1942-45
- Grassy hills: colonial defence and coastal forts
- Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891
- Iwasaki project
- Johannes Bjelke-Petersen: straddling a barbed wire fence
- Mount Etna: Queensland's longest environmental conflict
- Native Police
- Skyrail Cairns (Research notes)
- Staunch but conservative – the trade union movement in Rockhampton
- The Chinese question
- Thomas Wentworth Wills and Cullin-la-ringo Station
- Separation
- Dreaming
- Imagination
- Imagination: how people have imagined Queensland
- Brisbane River and Moreton Bay: Thomas Welsby
- Changing views of the Glasshouse Mountains
- Imagining Queensland in film and television production
- Jacaranda
- Literary mapping of Brisbane in the 1990s
- Looking at Mount Coot-tha
- Mapping the Macqueen farm
- Mapping the mythic: Hugh Sawrey's ‘outback’
- People’s Republic of Woodford
- Poinsettia city: Brisbane’s flower
- The Pineapple Girl
- The writers of Tamborine Mountain
- Vance and Nettie Palmer
- Memory
- Memory: how people remember the landscape
- Anna Wickham: the memory of a moment
- Berajondo and Mill Point: remembering place and landscape
- Cemeteries in the landscape
- Landscapes of memory: Tjapukai Dance Theatre and Laura Festival
- Monuments and memory: T.J. Byrnes and T.J. Ryan
- Out where the dead towns lie
- Queensland in miniature: the Brisbane Exhibition
- Roadside ++++ memorials
- Shipwrecks as graves
- The Dame in the tropics: Nellie Melba
- Tinnenburra
- Vanished heritage
- War memorials
- Curiosity
- Curiosity: knowledge through the landscape
- A playground for science: Great Barrier Reef
- Duboisia hopwoodii: a colonial curiosity
- Great Artesian Basin: water from deeper down
- In search of Landsborough
- James Cook’s hundred days in Queensland
- Mutual curiosity – Aboriginal people and explorers
- Queensland Acclimatisation Society
- Queensland’s own sea monster: a curious tale of loss and regret
- St Lucia: degrees of landscape
- Townsville’s Mount St John Zoo
- Imagination
- Development
- Exploitation
- Transformation
- Transformation: how the landscape has changed and been modified
- Cultivation
- Empire and agribusiness: the Australian Mercantile Land and Finance Company
- Gold
- Kill, cure, or strangle: Atherton Tablelands
- National parks in Queensland
- Pastoralism 1860s–1915
- Prickly pear
- Repurchasing estates: the transformation of Durundur
- Soil
- Sugar
- Sunshine Coast
- The Brigalow
- Walter Reid Cultural Centre, Rockhampton: back again
- Survival
- Survival: how the landscape impacts on people
- Brisbane floods: 1893 to the summer of sorrow
- City of the Damned: how the media embraced the Brisbane floods
- Depression era
- Did Clem Jones save Brisbane from flood?
- Droughts and floods and rail
- Missions and reserves
- Queensland British Food Corporation
- Rockhampton’s great flood of 1918
- Station homesteads
- Tropical cyclones
- Wreck of the Quetta
- Pleasure
- Pleasure: how people enjoy the landscape
- Bushwalking in Queensland
- Cherbourg that’s my home: celebrating landscape through song
- Creating rural attractions
- Festivals
- Queer pleasure: masculinity, male homosexuality and public space
- Railway refreshment rooms
- Regional cinema
- Schoolies week: a festival of misrule
- The sporting landscape
- Visiting the Great Barrier Reef
By:
Peter Griggs Commercial production of sugar commenced in Queensland during the mid-1860s. Over the next century, the growth in the area under sugar cane was mostly steadily upwards, although this growth was tightly regulated to avoid overproduction. During the late nineteenth century, sugar cane cultivation became concentrated primarily along the deltaic and levee soils of the main rivers and creeks in eleven discrete coastal areas between Mossman and Nerang, separated by areas of unreliable rainfall and/or unsuitable soils. Production remained concentrated in these areas throughout most of the twentieth century.
Organising the production landscape
Initially, sugar production in Queensland occurred on plantations or large, vertically integrated agro-industrial units combining both the growing of the sugar cane and the manufacture of raw sugar in a sugar mill located on the property. Sixty per cent of the sugar plantations formed in Queensland between 1864 and 1880 covered between 120 and 360 ha, with the average size being 200 ha. A few estates exceeded 800 ha in size. During the 1880s, much larger sugar plantations were established in Queensland. They included Airdmillan, Kalamia and Seaforth sugar plantations. The Colonial Sugar Refining Company established some of the largest sugar plantations during the 1880s, forming estates that covered 4000-8000 ha. Despite securing so much land, most sugar planters cultivated less than 200 ha, with only a handful cultivating over 400 ha. Land not cropped with sugar cane was devoted to cattle grazing or planted with crops of tropical fruit, maize and potatoes to feed the estate’s horses and field workers.
In Queensland before 1890, the sugar planters overwhelmingly relied upon indentured Pacific Islanders or Asians, not slaves. However, after 1880 the practice of recruiting Pacific Islanders for the Queensland sugar industry was increasingly opposed by residents of all the Australian colonies. This opposition and the implementation of the White Australia Policy after 1900 led to a transformation in the production unit of the Queensland sugar industry. The majority of sugar planters subdivided their estates. They either leased the land to small farmers, creating tenanted sugar plantations, or sold the land to the small farmers. They converted their sugar mills into proprietary central sugar mills. The Queensland government assisted this transformation by providing funds to erect farmer cooperative central mills, often in localities not served by a planter’s mill. This arrangement still forms the basis of the Queensland sugar industry today.
Transforming the natural landscape
The sugar cane producing lands of Queensland were once covered by a variety of forests. However, the cultivation of sugar cane called for large-scale clearing of the native vegetation. Beyond the initial clearing, the growing of sugar cane placed other demands upon the native forests. Forested land was cleared for railway track right-of-way and to provide timber for rail sleepers. Before 1950, large amounts of firewood were also needed to fuel the boilers in the sugar mills: approximately one ton of firewood was used to produce one ton of sugar. This firewood came from nearby forested land.
Sugar cane requires large supplies of water to support its growth, but it cannot tolerate its roots being submerged in water for long periods of time. Initially, Queensland’s canegrowers avoided areas that were water-logged or poorly drained. However, during the post-World War II expansion of the Queensland sugar industry, land was reclaimed from draining wetlands, such as the Babinda Swamp. In addition, Queensland’s canegrowers paid more attention to drainage, creating new channels on their properties to speed up the removal of water in order to improve yields. The sugar-producing lands on Queensland, especially in Far North Queensland, are criss-crossed by drains established to enhance on-farm drainage. Natural watercourses have also been deepened or straightened to improve local drainage. In the Herbert River, Tully and Johnstone River districts, most of the freshwater wetlands have disappeared, a consequence of drainage-related works for the sugar industry.
References and Further reading (Note):
Peter D. Griggs, Global industry, local innovation: the history of cane sugar production in Australia, 1820-1995, Bern, Peter Lang AG, (in press)
References and Further reading (Note):
Peter D. Griggs, ‘Deforestation and sugar cane growing in Eastern Australia, 1860-1995’, Environment and history, 13/ 3, 2007
References and Further reading (Note):
Peter D. Griggs, ‘Sugar plantations in Queensland, 1864-1912: origins, characteristics, distribution and decline’, Agricultural history, 74/ 3, 2000