- Home
- Quintessential Queensland
- Distinctiveness
- Perceptions
- Perceptions: how people understand the landscape
- From runs to closer settlement
- Geological survey of Queensland
- Mapping a new colony, 1860-80
- Mapping the Torres Strait: from TI to Magani Malu and Zenadh Kes
- Order in Paradise: a colonial gold field
- Queensland atlas, 1865
- Queensland mapping since 1900
- Queensland: the slogan state
- Rainforests of North Queensland
- Walkabout
- Queenslanders
- Queenslanders: people in the landscape
- Aboriginal heroes: episodes in the colonial landscape
- Australian South Sea Islanders
- Cane fields and solidarity in the multiethnic north
- Chinatowns
- Colonial immigration to Queensland
- Greek Cafés in the landscape of Queensland
- Hispanics and human rights in Queensland’s public spaces
- Italians in north Queensland
- Lebanese in rural Queensland
- Queensland clothing
- Queensland for ‘the best kind of population, primary producers’
- Too remote, too primitive and too expensive: Scandinavian settlers in colonial Queensland
- Distance
- Movement
- Movement: how people move through the landscape
- Air travel in Queensland
- Bicycling through Brisbane, 1896
- Cobb & Co
- Journey to Hayman Island, 1938
- Law and story-strings
- Mobile kids: children’s explorations of Cherbourg
- Movable heritage of North Queensland
- Passages to India: military linkages with Queensland
- The Queen in Queensland, 1954
- Transient Chinese in colonial Queensland
- Travelling times by rail
- Pathways
- Pathways: how things move through the landscape and where they are made
- Aboriginal dreaming paths and trading ways
- Chinese traders in the nineteenth century
- Introducing the cane toad
- Pituri bag
- Press and the media
- Radio in Queensland
- Red Cross Society and World War I in Queensland
- The telephone in Queensland
- Where did the trams go?
- ‘A little bit of love for me and a murder for my old man’: the Queensland Bush Book Club
- Movement
- Division
- Separation
- Separation: divisions in the landscape
- Asylums in the landscape
- Brisbane River
- Changing landscape of radicalism
- Civil government boundaries
- Convict Brisbane
- Dividing Queensland - Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party
- High water mark: the shifting electoral landscape 2001-12
- Hospitals in the landscape
- Indigenous health
- Palm Island
- Secession movements
- Separate spheres: gender and dress codes
- Separating land, separating culture
- Stone walls do a prison make: law on the landscape
- The 1967 Referendum – the State comes together?
- Utopian communities
- Whiteness in the tropics
- Conflict
- Conflict: how people contest the landscape
- A tale of two elections – One Nation and political protest
- Battle of Brisbane – Australian masculinity under threat
- Dangerous spaces - youth politics in Brisbane, 1960s-70s
- Fortress Queensland 1942-45
- Grassy hills: colonial defence and coastal forts
- Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891
- Iwasaki project
- Johannes Bjelke-Petersen: straddling a barbed wire fence
- Mount Etna: Queensland's longest environmental conflict
- Native Police
- Skyrail Cairns (Research notes)
- Staunch but conservative – the trade union movement in Rockhampton
- The Chinese question
- Thomas Wentworth Wills and Cullin-la-ringo Station
- Separation
- Dreaming
- Imagination
- Imagination: how people have imagined Queensland
- Brisbane River and Moreton Bay: Thomas Welsby
- Changing views of the Glasshouse Mountains
- Imagining Queensland in film and television production
- Jacaranda
- Literary mapping of Brisbane in the 1990s
- Looking at Mount Coot-tha
- Mapping the Macqueen farm
- Mapping the mythic: Hugh Sawrey's ‘outback’
- People’s Republic of Woodford
- Poinsettia city: Brisbane’s flower
- The Pineapple Girl
- The writers of Tamborine Mountain
- Vance and Nettie Palmer
- Memory
- Memory: how people remember the landscape
- Anna Wickham: the memory of a moment
- Berajondo and Mill Point: remembering place and landscape
- Cemeteries in the landscape
- Landscapes of memory: Tjapukai Dance Theatre and Laura Festival
- Monuments and memory: T.J. Byrnes and T.J. Ryan
- Out where the dead towns lie
- Queensland in miniature: the Brisbane Exhibition
- Roadside ++++ memorials
- Shipwrecks as graves
- The Dame in the tropics: Nellie Melba
- Tinnenburra
- Vanished heritage
- War memorials
- Curiosity
- Curiosity: knowledge through the landscape
- A playground for science: Great Barrier Reef
- Duboisia hopwoodii: a colonial curiosity
- Great Artesian Basin: water from deeper down
- In search of Landsborough
- James Cook’s hundred days in Queensland
- Mutual curiosity – Aboriginal people and explorers
- Queensland Acclimatisation Society
- Queensland’s own sea monster: a curious tale of loss and regret
- St Lucia: degrees of landscape
- Townsville’s Mount St John Zoo
- Imagination
- Development
- Exploitation
- Transformation
- Transformation: how the landscape has changed and been modified
- Cultivation
- Empire and agribusiness: the Australian Mercantile Land and Finance Company
- Gold
- Kill, cure, or strangle: Atherton Tablelands
- National parks in Queensland
- Pastoralism 1860s–1915
- Prickly pear
- Repurchasing estates: the transformation of Durundur
- Soil
- Sugar
- Sunshine Coast
- The Brigalow
- Walter Reid Cultural Centre, Rockhampton: back again
- Survival
- Survival: how the landscape impacts on people
- Brisbane floods: 1893 to the summer of sorrow
- City of the Damned: how the media embraced the Brisbane floods
- Depression era
- Did Clem Jones save Brisbane from flood?
- Droughts and floods and rail
- Missions and reserves
- Queensland British Food Corporation
- Rockhampton’s great flood of 1918
- Station homesteads
- Tropical cyclones
- Wreck of the Quetta
- Pleasure
- Pleasure: how people enjoy the landscape
- Bushwalking in Queensland
- Cherbourg that’s my home: celebrating landscape through song
- Creating rural attractions
- Festivals
- Queer pleasure: masculinity, male homosexuality and public space
- Railway refreshment rooms
- Regional cinema
- Schoolies week: a festival of misrule
- The sporting landscape
- Visiting the Great Barrier Reef
By:
Anne Monsour The Lebanese community in Queensland began as a small relatively segregated group. These immigrants were known as 'Syrians'. Faced with limited employment options, yet determined to improve their economic status, most Lebanese men and a significant proportion of women started life in Queensland as hawkers and, as a result, they spread widely and thinly through the colony and then state.
Hawkers and travelling families
In 1890, Lebanese were operating as hawkers in Brisbane, Townsville, Charters Towers, Barcaldine, Rockhampton, Maryborough and Toowoomba and the Darling Downs, and by 1895, they were also located as far north as Thursday Island, in western towns such as Normanton, Croydon, Winton, Longreach and Charleville and in other towns along the coast. While there were noticeable concentrations of Lebanese in Brisbane and Toowoomba, Lebanese settlement in Queensland was characteristically dispersed.
Carrying suitcases, baskets or bundles, Lebanese immigrants travelled on foot or on horseback through the cities, towns and remote regions of Queensland selling ‘dry’ goods such as drapery, manchester, haberdashery and clothing. At nightfall, they asked to sleep in farm sheds or slept in the open. Sometimes, particularly when children were still small, families travelled together within a defined area, as described in the following extract from a Toowoomba police file in 1902:
Applicant is a hawker and follows that occupation all over the Darling Downs, has no settled place of abode and he and his wife and two small children sleep in their van in which they travel about in when selling their wares.
At other times, family groups covered new territory often travelling for months. Jemillia, was 10 when she arrived in Sydney with her father and brother towards the end of 1891. After a short time in Sydney, Jemillia travelled with her father, uncle and brother as they hawked through Brisbane, Toowoomba and other places in Queensland, finally stopping in Longreach where her father opened a store in November 1894. Ten years later her father and brother returned to New South Wales but Jemillia remained in western Queensland because in 1897 she had married Michael, a Lebanese draper who had settled in Longreach in 1891.
Once established, Syrian hawkers travelled by horse and cart and then by car or truck, often covering a defined route and continuing to hawk even after starting a store. Elien George, for example, began hawking in Rockhampton and district in the late 1890s. Starting with pack horses, then a wagonette drawn by five horses, and eventually a 1929 Chevrolet, Elien, and later his son, travelled selling goods from Mackay to Many Peaks and Emerald to Emu Park. The retail business established by Elien in Rockhampton more than 100 years ago still operates.
Hawking was an occupation that required no particular training, little capital and minimal English skills yet provided an immediate cash income. So, for these Arabic speaking, non-European immigrants, hawking was a viable first job. When Michael and his sister, Mary, landed in Sydney in 1899, for example, they could not afford the fare to Toowoomba. So they bought two suitcases of goods on credit from a relative and set out on foot from Sydney on Christmas day. Selling goods on the way, they reached Toowoomba on Easter Sunday.
Women hawkers
Police records show that despite it being an arduous and potentially dangerous occupation, Lebanese women hawked independently as well as in partnership with their husbands. Although they sometimes worked together, Clara Lahood Joseph, a registered hawker, frequently went to Gin Gin and hawked ‘among Kanakas by herself without the protection of her husband’. In Brisbane in 1901, Syrian women carrying bundles were observed being transported in a cart from South Brisbane to different locations where they then spent the day selling goods house to house. As Lebanese men and women were still hawking in the 1950s, this form of direct selling was obviously an enduring occupational choice and one which met a consumer need, particularly in rural Queensland.
Places to settle
In order to avoid competing with each other and to operate a viable business, Lebanese immigrants traversed large areas before choosing a place to settle. By 1899, for example, Mellicks, from Bturrum, Lebanon, had been working in Queensland for at least a decade. Their locations, Maryborough, Rockhampton and Townsville, reflect the significance of Queensland’s coastal and river ports in this period. The first record of Mellicks in Queensland is of five registered hawkers in Maryborough in 1891. Several Mellicks also worked as registered hawkers in the Townsville district between 1892 and 1895. By 1895, a Mellick Brothers drapery store had been established in Rockhampton. Five years later, Mellicks were operating drapery stores in Townsville, Longreach, Blackall and Rockhampton.
Once settled, Lebanese immigrants were often deeply attached to their adopted locality. In 1902, after hawking in the Townsville district, Abraham S. Mellick established a store in Geraldton (now Innisfail). In 2002, this store celebrated its centenary and was operated by one of Abraham’s daughters. Abraham chose Innisfail as his definitive home. He developed broad commercial interests and actively supported a range of economic, cultural, sporting, and local development projects. By the 1940s, he had brought his six brothers and two of his three sisters to Australia. Subsequently, Abraham, his brothers and brothers-in-law operated as drapers or mercers in Innisfail, Townsville, Mossman, Tully and Cairns. While their common occupation meant it was difficult for them all to live in the one town; to remain close to their siblings, they settled in a number of towns in the vicinity of each other.
For the children of these immigrants, this pattern of settlement, common to Lebanese immigrants in Queensland, meant they experienced regular contact with their extended family, which, taking into account differences in geography and social organisation, mimicked what would have occurred in Lebanon. Hazel Francis commented in 1995:
We were not just us — we were the only ones in Innisfail — but there was a family in Babinda, and there were four or five in Cairns and there was one in Tully, and at one stage, one of the uncles was in Mossman. But Dad either put them into business or put them on the land, because he had farms then. And so they were all around us and we grew up literally with all our first cousins.
This pattern of siblings settling in towns within a region, meant the immigrants and their children were in regular contact but, typically, for the second generation, their experience of being 'Lebanese' was often limited to their extended family. As the children of ‘foreigners’ and isolated in their daily lives from other Lebanese, these Lebanese Queenslanders experienced intense pressure to conceal their difference. In the process of reconciling their Lebanese background with the pressure to become ‘Australian’, they learnt to live in two worlds without belonging completely to either.
References and Further reading (Note):
Anne Monsour, Not quite white: Lebanese and the white Australia policy 1880 to 1947, Teneriffe, Post Pressed, 2009
References and Further reading (Note):
Anne Monsour, ‘Sitti was a hawker! Writing Syrian/Lebanese women into Queensland History’, in Wendy Madsen & Angelika Schlotzer (eds), Smashing the glass ceiling: women researchers in a regional community, Rockhampton, Centre for Social Research & Women in Research, 2002
Copyright © Anne Monsour, 2010
Related:
Queenslanders